By Glenn T. Eskew
Birmingham served because the level for one of the most dramatic and significant moments within the background of the civil rights fight. during this bright narrative account, Glenn Eskew lines the evolution of nonviolent protest within the urban, focusing quite at the occasionally tricky intersection of the neighborhood and nationwide hobbies.
Eskew describes the altering face of Birmingham's civil rights crusade, from the politics of lodging practiced by means of the city's black bourgeoisie within the Fifties to neighborhood pastor Fred L. Shuttlesworth's groundbreaking use of nonviolent direct motion to problem segregation through the overdue Nineteen Fifties and early Sixties.
In 1963, the nationwide stream, within the individual of Martin Luther King Jr., grew to become to Birmingham. The nationwide uproar that on Police Commissioner Bull Connor's use of canine and hearth hoses opposed to the demonstrators supplied the impetus in the back of passage of the watershed Civil Rights Act of 1964.
Paradoxically, although, the bigger victory gained within the streets of Birmingham did little for lots of of the city's black voters, argues Eskew. The cancellation of protest marches sooner than any uncomplicated profits were made left Shuttlesworth feeling betrayed whilst King claimed a private victory. whereas African americans have been admitted to the management of the town, the way in which energy used to be exercised--and for whom--remained essentially unchanged.
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Additional info for But for Birmingham: The Local and National Movements in the Civil Rights Struggle
1 For five weeks the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), under the direction of the Reverend Dr. , had conducted protests against racial discrimination in the industrial city. King and the SCLC arrived at the behest of the Reverend Fred L. Shuttlesworth and the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR), Birmingham's indigenous civil rights movement that had struggled against segregation since 1956. National civil rights activists targeted intransigent Birmingham because of the strength of its local movement.
Fearing Connor and a white backlash but watching the black boycott bankrupt their businesses, several Birmingham merchants accepted an agreement worked out by Vann, Marshall, and movement leaders to desegregate their facilities but only if the city's white industrial leadership announced its support of the negotiated accord. Working within a small circle of service-consumer economy spokesmen, local real estate executive Sidney W. Smyer promoted Marshall's compromise in order to end the demonstrations.
217 Eight The Children's Crusade 259 Nine But for Birmingham 299 Epilogue. Ambiguous Resolution 333 Notes 341 Bibliography 399 Index 419 Page ix Illustrations Birmingham skyline, ca. L. Green 58 Map of predominantly black neighborhoods 63 Detective Henry Darnell confronts Bull Connor 98 Sidney W. , a "Big Mule" 110 Rev. Fred L. Shuttlesworth at the funeral of the four girls killed in the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church 126 Dynamite-damaged Bethel Baptist Church 133 Freedom Ride riot at Birmingham Trailways station 154 Freedom Riders' bus burns outside Anniston, Alabama 156 Map of downtown Birmingham 172 Members of the white elite present a petition to Mayor Art Hanes 181 Map of metropolitan Birmingham 184 Page x Bull Connor addresses an audience in an effort to convince voters to retain the city commission form of government 186 Rev.